نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال هفتم شماره 3 (پیاپی 25، پاییز 1399)

The purpose of the present study is to find the relationship between justice, spirituality, and rationality, as well as their achievements in the Islamic-Iranian model of progress. The method of study is descriptive analysis and emphasizes the hypothesis that effective interrelationship between justice and spirituality, in the individual realm, transmits personal achievements to political-social realms paving the way for reaching the model of progress and then holy life. All the above procedures are accomplished through rationality, rational programming, and adherence to the legal rules of religion (Shariat). The presence of these elements in the model conveys a distinctive and multidimensional progress for improvement in Islamic society. Paying attention to the abovementioned aspects facilitates the citizens’ access to their rights, freedom, equal opportunity, economic progress, welfare, human dignity, social security and decency in the society.

The purpose of the present article is to research about the principles of Imam Khomeini’s political ideology. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that in his doctrine, every political attempt is divided into Godly and non-Godly. He holds that if the attempts of administrators, leaders, social planners and reformers target people’s prudence, spirituality, and convenience, their politics would be recognized as Godly. Therefore, if the leaders adhere to the political traditions of Ahl al-Bayt, their decisions would be for God; otherwise, it would be for evil. Imam Khomeini in some of his speech emphasizes that the main mission of the holy prophets and saints has not been the establishment of a government because they have verily come for the ethical and spiritual treatment and purification of human being. Yet, he acknowledges social administration and political order in human society as a serious and inevitable issue such that he recognizes the Qur’an as a combination of spiritual gnosis and plans for human being as well as a comprehensive book for the governments. He holds that the relation between social verses compared to religious verses in the Qur’an is even more than 10 to 1. Imam Khomeini who considers the Qur’an as the book of law, asserts that the nature of Qur’anic instructions implicitly emphasize the need to government and hence he believes in the necessity of political system and social order for the gnosis growth and spiritual progress of humans.

The purpose of the present study is to compare the policies of two political approaches in the Islamic Republic of Iran known as conservatism and reformism. To this aim, using the descriptive-historical method and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory as the theoretical framework of the study, it was attempted to comparatively delve deep into the policies of conservatism and reformism in Iran. The results indicate that the identities and competitions in the intellectual framework of conservatism rely upon a fundamental concept known as “Willayat” (guardianship) so under the influence of this perception, they believe in the legitimacy of the establishment and a rather conservative political system. However, in the intellectual system of reformism, “people” have a central role as the reformists believe in the legitimacy of people and an open political system. Each of the above approaches attempt to have hegemony in the political realm, highlight their meaningful system, deconstruct, and marginalize their rival.

The purpose of the present study is to review the special place and function of Wilayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) in Islamic society and the principle of Jurists’ supervision over the parliament legislations in the ideas of Sheikh Fazlollah Noori. The method of study is documentary research and descriptive analysis; the results showed that the presence of Sheikh Fazlollah Noori as a leader in the constitutional revolution is the clearest evidence for his disbelief in the royal government. He regards the Islamic jurist as the successor of Imam Zaman and hence he opposes the king and his collaborators. He considers all the (judiciary, executive, and legislative) officials in a legal government as the assistants who fulfill the orders of the Islamic jurist. Compared to other Islamic scholars, Sheikh Fazlollha Noori had a different view about the dignity and place of Islamic Jurist during the occultation as he believed that the Islamic jurist should have authority to perform divine rules, enjoin good, forbid evil, and finally execute Islamic orders.

The purpose of the present study is to review the effects of “superstition” on the political underdevelopment in the Qajar dynasty. In this regard, the relationship between the superstitious culture and underdevelopment in the Qajar dynasty and the effects of superstition on the non-participative political culture back then were studied. The method of study was causal-qualitative based on the historical and sociological approach; and the results showed that the superstitious culture of the Qajar dynasty with its non-scientific, irrational, and non-religious approach led the Iranian society to decadence or at least political underdevelopment. Indeed, the tendency to superstition and people’s belief to such false ideas during that age led to irrationality, dominance of mythological mentality, political dictatorship, and finally political underdevelopment.

The objective of the present study is to identify the facilitative backgrounds behind the decision-making of the commanders of Lashkar-e (army) 41 Sarallah in operation Valfajr 8. To this aim, 10 commanders in the above-mentioned army were interviewed and then data analysis was conducted by the qualitative methodology of grounded theory. After data coding, 6 main categories and 1 core category were extracted that include military and strategic thought of the commanders, military exercise and operation, identification operation, the circle of combat information, dialectic consultation, the average of decision-making, and indigenous decision-making as the event of victory. The results showed that the commanders’ decision-making was under the influence of some facilitative backgrounds such as former experience from operations Kheybar and Badr, accurate information, analysis of the ideas, and using the military experience of commanders to achieve decisive victory.